Showing posts with label Daily Sun. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Daily Sun. Show all posts

Saturday, July 28, 2012

NIGERIA: Sunday Papers, July 29, 2012




COMPILED BY AMBROSE EHIRIM

CHANNELS TV: Nigeria produces most of W/Africa’s illegal weapons – Army

VOICE OF AMERICA: Nigeria, Tunisia Tip Off London Olympic Men's Basketball

PM NEWS NIGERIA: Captain Ore reports Aviation Minister’s threat

VANGUARD NIGERIA: How we will create new states – Dep. Senate President Ekweremadu

VANGUARD NIGERIA: Ex-deputy gov’s ADC shot dead

VANGUARD NIGERIA: ‘Nigerians can’t be going to India, US for simple diagnosis’

PUNCH: ACN, LP, PDP elect candidates for Ondo gov poll

PUNCH: Third Mainland Bridge: 3.4 million people used ferries in two months

THE GUARDIAN NIGERIA: Boko Haram: JonathanUnder Fresh US Pressure

THE GUARDIAN NIGERIA: Anambra Oil Field Ready For Commissioning Next Month

CHANNELS TV: Okorocha recalls 27 PDP council chairmen

SUN NEWS ONLINE: Abonnema waterfront demolition: drugs, arms sold like groundnuts –Govt

SUN NEWS ONLINE: Mother from hell: Woman stabs son to spite ex-hubby

THIS DAY LIVE: Hillary Clinton to Visit Nigeria Next Month

SUPER SPORT: Hoopers rule Nigeria again

DAILY TIMES NIGERIA: Pepsi Football Academy celebrates 20th anniversary

DAILY TIMES NIGERIA: Security networking will tackle terrorism - Experts

DAILY TIMES NIGERIA: Six die in Edo cult clash

Tuesday, July 24, 2012

NIGERIA: Wednesday Papers, July 25, 2012




COMPILED BY AMBROSE EHIRIM

LEADERSHIP NIGERIA: 2015 Polls: INEC Mulls Accommodating Nigerians In Diaspora

LEADERSHIP NIGERIA: Women Are Taking Over The Role Of Bread Winner In Nigeria

THIS DAY LIVE: ‘BOI Intervention Funds May Fail to Achieve Objectives’

NEWS DAY: Osi Umenyiora calls for players to be more like Tim Tebow

BUSINESS DAY: Brokers chart road map for government insurances

BUSINESS DAY: Ibori’s unclaimed $15m to be forfeited

BUSINESS DAY: EFCC arraigns PDP chairman’s son, 12 firms over subsidy fraud

VANGUARD NIGERIA: Turai vs Patience: FG opts for out-of-court settlement of land dispute

VANGUARD NIGERIA: Suspect in N32.8bn Police pension scam loses bid to defreeze accounts

THE GUARDIAN NIGERIA: Breakthrough as new TB drug emerges

CHANNELS TV: Jonathan mourns Atta Mills’ death

DAILY TRUST: Residents protest demolition of Abuja suburb

DAILY SUN: Dying Nigerian languages

Sunday, June 24, 2012

Nigeria: Monday Papers, June 25, 2012




COMPILED BY AMBROSE EHIRIM

Business Day: "Nigeria is not Broke, says Jonathan"

Business Day: "Improving Nigeria’s business environment for increased investments."

Business Day: Concerns as 134m Nigerians live as tenants.

The Guardian Nigeria: PDP, ACN factions submit separate lists for Ogun council polls.

The Guardian Nigeria: Ebonyi women protest suspension of female legislator for alleged drunkenness, riding Keke NAPEP

The Guardian Nigeria: Death toll in Ghana’s explosion hits seven

BERNAMA: Euro Crisis A Threat To African Airlines

The Guardian Nigeria: NAFDAC may seek life jail for fake drugs’ dealers

The Vanguard Nigeria: Aregbesola plans to surpass Awolowo’s policy.

The Vanguard Nigeria: Security frustrates Sunday worship in Jos.

The Vanguard Nigeria: Reps ask ECOWAS to stop deportation of Nigerians from Ghana.

The Daily Sun: Attacks on Unongo, Shaahu’s homes, arson -Police.

Nigerian Tribune: Azazi/Bello ouster: Minister, presidential aides panic over imminent changes •2 cut short foreign trips; lobby for defence ministry begins.

Nigerian Tribune: Woman inserts 66 wraps of drugs in private part.

Nigerian Tribune: US designation of Boko Haram leaders: Nigeria’s sovereignty compromised.

The Punch: 700,000 Lagos houses to get new numbers.

The Punch: States evacuate ABU students, Army sends reinforcement.

The Punch: Keep off S’West, OPC warns Boko Haram.

The Punch: Far North, South lobby for defence portfolio.

Saturday, May 26, 2012

Nigeria: Sunday Papers, May 27, 2012


Los Angeles Times: Nigeria Islamic group Boko Haram spreads fear far and wide

VANGUARD: INSURGENCY AND UTILITARIAN VALUE: Boko Haram is helping Nigeria to review its foundation – Uma Ukpai

NEW YORK DAILY NEWS: Politician Shot Dead In Nigeria

INFORMATION NIGERIA: Massive corruption at all levels of the Nigerian Government —US report

SUNDAY TRIBUNE: Nigeria's Democracy: Any Cause For Celebration?

SUNDAY TRIBUNE: Nigeria’s children: Their hopes, their frustrations

THE SUN: ‘Presidency can’t help PDP win Edo guber’

THE SUN: I rejected Charles Taylor’s $450,000 bribe –Sacked Customs Officer

THE SUN: I’m ready to dance naked to prove my innocence-Lulu

VANGUARD: Why good governance and security go hand-in-hand, by Obasanjo

VANGUARD: Children’s Day: Delta releases 35 children for adoption

THIS DAY BUSINESS: Central Bank Bars Banks from Recapitalising African Subsidiaries

PUNCH: Ibori: Nigeria has no reputation to lose – Lawyers

PUNCH: Salami: Civil society groups plan mass action

Tuesday, January 24, 2012

Kabir Sokoto: Suspects escape from police custody when Igbos are murdered —Nzelu, (SAN)

Daily Sun Interview

‘This is the second time within three years that police officers had unlawfully eliminated Igbo people, while in police custody’


Nigerians were stupefied over the news of the mysterious escape of Kabiru Umar (aka Kabiru Sokoto), the alleged prime suspect in the macabre Christmas Day bombing of Saint Theresa Catholic Church, Madalla, Niger State, which left 43 people dead and many severely injured.

But a legal practitioner of South-east extraction, Amobi Nzelu (SAN), was not jolted over the development. Speaking with Daily Sun in this interview, Nzelu gives a stunning account of how suspects from a certain section of the country, often disappeared from police custody.
Excerpts:


How do you see the sudden disappearance of Kabiru Sokoto, the prime suspect of the Madalla bombing?

It is very embarrassing. A major breakthrough in the unmasking of those that are behind the Boko Haram has been scuttled by those given the responsibility to protect lives and property and I feel worried.
Worried in the sense that I have to go down memory lane:

In 2003, one Superintendent of Police called, Gambo was DPO in Nsukka, three men were shot dead by him. He was brought to Abuja in handcuff and taken to Area 10. While he was in custody, which is a loose detention, a DIG came to negotiate for his bail and he was told point blank that it was a murder issue and couldn’t be granted bail.

The man on the excuse that he was going to observe his prayer walked out of the gate of Area 10 and disappeared till today! CSP Abdulsalam Uthman supervised the killings of three Igbos during the Apo six saga - to the glory of God, I was the lawyer in that matter.

I took the pictures of those that were killed in Apo, we took their corpses for burial. The man went into custody of the police. He was detained on the 5th floor and from there we were told he said was going to pray. He came downstairs and an AIG, who later retired as a DIG provided his official vehicle and he was ferreted him away!

Again, the man that committed the mayhem of December 25 has disappeared. The question is, is it only when they killed Igbos that the culprits escape from the custody of the police?

Nobody has the monopoly of violence. If the Igbo aren’t secured in this place called Nigeria, we should be told in unmistaken terms… people shouldn’t frustrate the good work of President Goodluck Jonathan. If there is any mayhem in any part of the country, the victims are Igbos. There is a town in Anambra State, they lost nine people in Mubi; nine corpses were brought to the town during the Boko Haram violence. What has been said about this? The government of the day should protect us; we are an endangered specie in the country.

Because Kabiru Sokoto has a lot of information to give to this country that was why the man has been kept and if you look at the sequence, Zakari Biu is from Biu, one of the towns in the old Borno State that formed Borno and Yobe, apparently the headquarters of Boko Haram, the man arrested him and told the entire country.
So, how do you explain this? This is my 32 years as a lawyer, I did my youth service in Maiduguri, I practised there for 14 years, I married there had my children there; I am a grand father. So, I lived in Maiduguri when there was no Boko Haram, peace-loving people.

Suddenly, from nowhere, Boko Haram was introduced into the whole system. So, to tell us that that kind of man, Kabiru Sokoto, has escaped is most unfortunate. Now, we have to cry out to Mr. President that we are the endangered specie; and to hear that they only suspended Zakari Biu.

For how long?

You see, as I have said , anybody created by God has some percentage of insanity in him, it is only when you develop your own that it becomes full-blown madness and nobody has a monopoly of violence. You can decide to be violent, it depends on how you want to use your life but where you turn us to be guinea pigs of this country, it isn’t healthy.

CSP Uthman is on the run and I shouted at the Okiro Panel that time, put this man under handcuff. I wrote a book, called, “Apo Six + one: the tragedy of a nation.’’ Everything you want about Apo Six is in that book and in that book I wrote in page 75 of that book: “This is the second time within three years that police officers had unlawfully eliminated Igbo people, while in police custody.

The first was by SP Gambo, a DPO in Nsukka, Enugu State, who had killed three Igbo men; he was brought under custody to face charges of murder and escaped while in police custody at the then police headquarters in Area 10, Garki, Abuja. Till date, nothing has been said about it.’’

So, it didn’t start today. This is a book I wrote after the Apo Six and it is being published in London. I have held this book down because the judgment hasn’t been delivered in the criminal trial going on. Six years after they have been arraigned in court, no judgment! August 2005, they were arraigned in court, seven years today they haven’t got judgment on this Apo case. The girl that was one of the victims in that case wasn’t shot to death, she was strangled to death.

Each time I remember that seven years after these people were killed, nothing has been done… Reverend King is an Igbo man; he killed somebody in church, within six months he was sentenced to death by hanging but Apo Six has been there for seven years.

But it isn’t only Igbo that died at Madalla. How many from the other ethnic groups? Does a Suleiman go to church? I am asking. Check the number of the people that died there and you would be shocked that, out of the number 35 are from South-east. The one they killed in Mubi, nine of them were from one town in Anambra State. Nine corpses from one town! The uproar in Borno State, how many Northerners has it claimed? Let us see the statistics. I know some Nigerians are equally involved but the majority at the receiving end are Igbos. If there is bombing today in Abuja, they look for Igbo people shops to go and burn. May God forbid.

of the IGSo, what exactly do you want Mr. President to do now? People have called for the resignation P

(cuts in) It is a cartel, they know what they are doing. It is unacceptable to the Igbo nation, they must produce the man. That man, Kabiru Sokoto, has a lot of stories to tell Nigerians, he has a lot of names to mention that will jolt this country.

government. Don’t you think his fears are reaYou have said it is a cartel but don’t you think Mr. President could be exonerated. He has said, even before this jolting escape of Kabiro Sokoto, Boko Haram had infiltrated his l?

You see, anything that it will take him, he is the president and he must be determined to do the work for Nigerians. We know that within the system, people are sabotaging him, that I must tell you. They are there, they are called AGIP – Any Government in Power, they must dictate to government. They don’t want to leave; they recycle them until they cannot recycle them again. There are no bad governments but bad advisers. The good of Mr. President is being frustrated, left, right and centre.

Because of June 12, 1993 election that was annulled, Yoruba went into trenches, both politicians and professors, they got the mandate to rule this country for eight years, but where are my people? When they massacred the Apo Six, nobody raised a voice. I put my life and that of my family on line for that Apo Six and God said to me, I will pay you and God is paying me. I can raise up my head and say my children are doing fine. That’s God grace.

You as an individual is squealing against the injustice in the system; aren’t you worried that South-east governors aren’t talking?

You see, I have gone through the valley of the shadow of death, I have seen what most of them never saw. For primitive gains, they will say nothing. Not only am I speaking out for now, I have been speaking out in the past. I don’t think I need to cringe before anybody. No, I can afford one good meal a day in my house. I have practised law for 32 years; how many years do I have ahead?

What I am saying is that, once they are within the comfort of the Governor’s Lodge, they forget that they will come out one day to meet us on the streets of Nigeria. I am watching to see them take a stand.

One needs to take a stand. My people, they don’t sustain opposition, Yoruba do. I am an Igbo man by birth, a Yoruba man by education because I went to the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University.

An Igbo man, once his container is arriving at the port, he forgets about what is happening to his brother. That’s the problem we have.

The Yoruba, because Babangida annulled June 12, all of them went into trenches: Bola Ige, Adesanya, Obasanjo, all of them, they went into war and they got eight years to rule. Head, or tail – 1999, that was the only election in Nigeria, head or tail, APP, Olu Falae, PDP, Obasanjo.

That was the gain because they could sustain an aggression. That was why I could sustain aggression myself because I have picked part of their blood but my people will not say anything!

Now, this man has escaped and where is the one that escaped after the Apo Six killings?

But he is in Nigeria, they know where he is. It isn’t healthy. They should give this government a chance and not distract it. Anything short of producing this man isn’t acceptable to Nigerians in general and Igbos, because we went to bury our people that were killed.

But the IG has queried and ordered suspension of Zakari Biu; don’t you see that as indication of seriousness to get to the root of the matter?
Query? You see, there are certain things that when they happen in this country, they are laughable. What are you telling me? They allowed the guy to escape. For a CP, Zakari Biu, to allow a star murderer to be taken to his house, doing what? They might have arranged his escape. That’s uncalled for.

But are you calling for the IG resignation?

The issue of his resignation, the president is competent to handle the matter at that level. All I am saying is that, the man must be produced, let him (Kabiru Sokoto) tell us who and who are behind this thing. They denied us the opportunity of getting to the root of Boko Haram when they killed the leader. Those this boy is working for would be on his trail now and before you know, they will kill him. How can these boys buy bombs? Somebody, somewhere is buying the bombs for them to go and bomb. Something must be done. You cannot continue to keep quiet when you are being slapped. This thing is getting too much. We cannot be guinea pigs in this country. Never.

Saturday, December 17, 2011

How Shagari Granted Ojukwu Amnesty


The late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu’s former media aide, Mr. Kanayo Esinulo, today concludes his account of life with Ikemba Nnewi
Saturday December 17, 2011
- Daily Sun

Gowon’s pardon

By 1981, particularly after President Shehu Shagari granted amnesty to General Yakubu Gowon, Emeka, who was fond of calling Gowon ‘Jack,’ felt that their ‘two cases’ could have been considered in tandem, but because the people of Plateau made a strong case for Gowon, while ‘the East’ was not able to present a united front on his case, it would appear to Shagari that Gowon’s case was a more pressing national issue. He then suggested that we pursue a new initiative by making the necessary contacts with those within the listening range of President Shagari and others outside of this orbit. The primary targets were Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, Dr. Ibrahim Tahir and Chief Victor Masi.

Okadigbo was to be the arrowhead, since he was the Political Adviser to the President. Tahir, then Chairman of the Board of Nigerian Telecommunications, was chosen because of his influence and political pre-eminence within northern political circles. Masi was an important Minister of Works in the Shagari administration and a brilliant Army Captain with the Biafran Army Engineers. General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu gave these as his reasons for preferring that we worked with these eminent Nigerians.

The meeting with Tahir and Obiano

In part two of this narrative that appeared last week, I traced the initial involvement of Okadigbo in the project of Emeka’s homecoming, and how I took him and Obiozo to Bingerville to meet and discuss with the General. Soon after we returned to Nigeria, we tracked Dr. Tahir at Ikoyi Hotel, where he was temporarily accommodated. He was very warm and polite to us and Okadigbo had tutored Vincent Obiano and I how to present the case to Tahir. As he chain-smoked, he listened us out and made promises he so dutifully fulfilled. We then moved to Victor Masi’s official residence in Ikoyi. He was waiting for us. Obiano had contacted him, for they knew themselves at the University of Nigeria in the early sixties. Here, again, the reception was warm and friendly. Before we knew it, Emeka called Chief Ike Onunaku, a top management staff of the United Africa Company (UAC) (I mean the UAC under Chief Ernest Shonekan), who was a part of us and who hosted so many of our meetings in those difficult days, to say he was getting feelers on how effective the team had become. By this time, Emeka had asked Colonel Joe Achuzia to join us and to handle the security component of the project. We continued to meet regularly at Onunaku’s Bourdillon Road, Ikoyi residence – Bless his soul.

Ojukwu met Shinkafi in London

One early Saturday morning, Onunaku sent his driver to bring me to Ikoyi. ‘What about’? I asked the driver. He wouldn’t know beyond the instruction to get to my Ikeja residence and “get Kanayo here before two o’clock.” When I arrived, I was told that the General wanted to give me a new brief by 3pm, and since I didn’t have a telephone at home, Onunaku’s place at Ikoyi was the best option. At exactly three o’clock, the call came through and Emeka said he had just returned to Abidjan from London, where he had “fruitful and rewarding discussions” with the Director-General of the Nigeria Security Organization (NSO), Alhaji Shinkafi. I was to constitute a strong media team to start working on softening the ground for his journey home. His meeting in London with Shinkafi had increased his optimism that his days in exile were, indeed, coming to an end, he said. He sounded slightly excited, and I was happy and so was Chief Onunaku.

The media campaign

Two days later, I traveled to Enugu on a Nigeria Airways flight, in the company of Vincent Obiano. We were in Enugu to ask for the support of a good friend and colleague, Obinwa Nnaji, who was then Editor of Sunday Satellite of the Satellite Newspaper Group in Enugu. We confided in him and told him precisely how the General wanted the media aspect of the project handled from the East. After getting his advice, support and firm commitment, Vincent and I came back to Lagos. The following day, I drove to Iwaya Road Yaba, Lagos to brief and request the support and sympathy of veteran journalist and editor, Gbolabo Ogunsawo, the former editor of Sunday Times. Emeka knew him by reputation and specifically advised me to reach out to him. In his days as the editor, the weekly was reputed to be the highest circulating newspaper in Africa, south of Sahara. And from exile, he was a loyal reader of Sunday Times.

We secured Gbalabo’s sympathy and through him the understanding of the Unity Party of Nigeria, as well as access to as many editors in the Lagos/Ibadan media axis as possible. Obinwa Nnaji also inherited the duty of getting his editor colleagues in the South East to step up the media campaign. Before we all knew it, Ojukwu’s return to Nigeria had developed into a huge national discussion and conversation. Indomitable Tai Solarin added his voice in an article that was published in both the Nigerian Tribune and the Daily Sketch.

The debate was now widening and going in the direction we had planned. And Emeka was letting us know that he was following developments closely but warned: “You must not relent until Shagari pronounces the magic word ‘Emeka, Come Home.’” Dr. Chuba Okadigbo was doing just fine in the political turf. He called me one day to say that the media tempo must not go down at all. Gbolabo, Obinwa and I were taking care of the media angle. Colonel Achuzia (now a chief in his native Asaba and its Ochiagha) was making progress with security arrangements. Everything was going good. Everybody was cooperating and the end of Emeka’s days in exile was nearing its terminal stage.

Shagari’s declaration

In a terse statement issued by the presidency, Shehu Shagari allowed Emeka to come home and a huge volley of joy and jubilation were unleashed. Preparations for his trip home began in earnest. Individuals and groups that were afraid to mention Emeka Ojukwu’s name in public since January 1970 began to come out of their holes, like termites. I remember one fellow who refused to touch the letter from Ojukwu to him in 1972, and even warned Emeka Enejere and I never to mention that we ever saw or came to his office located in central Lagos, was busy granting elaborate press interviews soon after the amnesty announcement. He was hailing the General as “my infinite hero,” who is on his way back home. Such is life.
At the end of it all, however, many genuine Igbo groups made contacts with us and began to donate time and buses that would convey people to Lagos and back.

The Cote d’Ivoire angle

Many Ivorians, too, voluntarily donated huge sums for the printing of thousands of T-shirts. Emma Ackah, an Ivorian presidency staff, was in-charge of that. Emeka had instructed what should be written on the shirts – simple Igbo words, ‘ONYEIJE NNO.’ What happened at the airport the day he arrived Nigeria is now history. The day his body arrives Nigeria will record yet another history.

It is on this note that I say, with tears in my eyes, to my General, mentor, adviser and ogam: sleep well and good night – Chukwu nabata mkpuru obi gi. Ka emesia!

Interview: Ojukwu Never Repeated His Instructions - Orderly


Geoffrey Anyanwu, Awka - Daily Sun Exclusive Interview

Sixty-five-year-old Elder Chief Godwin Okeke-Ejim was the Police Orderly to the late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu for three years when he was Head of State of Biafra till the day he left the shores of Nigeria to Ivory Coast (now Cote d’Ivoire).

In this exclusive interview with Saturday Sun at his Enugu residence, Elder Ejim confessed that he felt terribly bad on hearing the news of the death of his former boss, saying, “My father died, my mother died I did not shed tears, but when Ojukwu died, I shed tears.

Elder Ejim, who hails from Ugbawka in Nkanu East Local of Enugu State, was 25 when he started working with Ojukwu. The orderly revealed some intimate aspects of Ojukwu including the fact that the late Ikemba never repeated his instructions.
He also graphically related a day Ojukwu had a brush with death.
Excerpts:

Posting to Ojukwu

I served as a police officer and retired in 1978. I came to serve Ojukwu in 1967 till the last day he departed to Ivory Coast in 1970 as his personal and police orderly. I was so close in a way that he trusted me so much. We were seven of us slated. We didn’t know why we were called, because in the police force, we had a routine called Daily Order. We go there every evening to pick or know where you may go or about anything at all that might concern you. In the course of that day, we read the Daily Order; we were seven short-listed sergeants and it said we had to prepare for special duties tomorrow morning and to report to Commissioner of Police’s office by 8 o’clock. The Commissioner of Police of the Eastern Region then was P. I. Okeke, now late. When we assembled, seven of us that day, around 10 o’clock, the Commissioner of Police arrived and addressed us. He said: “Well, I’m tired of sending orderlies to Col. Ojukwu. Each time, none serves up to one month to three months before he comes back for one accusation or the other”, that now, he was taking all of us to go and see him in his office at the State House. Whoever he picks, it’s his luck because this was a man that when his name is mentioned, you begin to shiver.

We were driven to that place from the Police Headquarters, Enugu to what is now the Orthopedic Hospital where we had the State House. We got to that place around 11a.m. Ojukwu arrived. We were marched before him as he sat down and when we lined up, they introduced us and he looked from left to right and immediately he pointed at me and said, “You, come out, the rest can go”. That was the verdict. Every other person left in jubilation. I didn’t know how I felt, it was a mixed feeling but I thank God. He told the ADC, who was the Major, to tell me what to do. He told me exactly why others left; that I am the 7th person now, that I should look very sharp because I am serving him directly.

His job

From there, the job started. The next thing he did by the time he was retiring by 6pm in the evening was that he gave me one key to the office and said: “Look, I am having one key to this office and I am giving you one. So, make sure that nothing leaks, make sure that no information leaks from my office and that nothing is being searched for, otherwise…” he nodded. I said that by the grace of God that nothing will go amiss. So, he said okay. He didn’t even ask me questions about where I come from. We have worked for almost two to three years before one day he asked me: “Where do you come from, Edwin?” He calls me Edwin instead of Godwin and I said, from Ugboka.

Our movement from Enugu started when Enugu fell. We were the last to move. He likes truth and he likes cleanliness. He told me that whenever he calls me, I should be at least one yard away from him; that he need not be shouting to me. I agreed and I maintained that. Even if he was in a meeting and you know he always stays at the extreme, once I hear him through the signs he made electronically, I will march and go there, greet him and then he will give me the instructions.

It so happened that, throughout my service with him, he trusted me and I maintained it. The instructions made me to deny every other association with everybody even friends. He gave the instruction, I feed from the kitchen; they give me food three times or as much as possible because I wouldn’t have time to go to my house to do anything. I prepare, anytime he goes out or has occasion to wear military uniform, I do it because the ordinary squad wouldn’t starch it well or do maintaining because this is what I was trained for as a policeman. I maintained my own uniforms. As the war developed, I wouldn’t go to war because I was not a war cabinet member but he made sure that every other domestic matter, I take care of them, he instructs me and he never repeats his instructions. He was very strict. He liked me so much that, throughout three years, he never for one day scolded me; he never scolded me at all, having learnt what made others to be brought back. Even as I was there, my promotion ran up to the ASP within the war period. I was promoted. You know, after the war, you have to abandon your old rank and go back.

The man Ojukwu

He was a man who loved work more than anything; that is why, when I got to hear that his eyes were bad, I knew exactly that he overstressed his eyes even though I’m not a doctor. He was always reading, he was writing always, he was always there buried in books. Imagine a man who read in Oxford, obtained a Master’s degree and everyday he was there – day and night – holding series of meetings, writing, doing all these and giving out instructions. So, the much I can remember is that we worked very cordially as much as I could and the family members all know me. I know the mother, the father; I got to know him when he died at Nkalagu. That was where he passed on. Maybe he didn’t want to be carried overseas because the money was there. I liken Ojukwu to Jesus Christ because he was a man who obtained his degrees from overseas and shunned every other work only to join army and in the army, he proved beyond every reasonable doubt that he liked the job.

He rose very well in rank and because of his love for the Igbo people, he denied himself of everything and later became Head of State of Biafra as mandated by the people then. You can imagine how he ran that war, using everything; I think he might even have used his father’s money. But what I’m sure of is that he used every opportunity he had to see that the war progressed, aimed at making his goal to be achieved by establishing the Republic of Biafra. But due to the fact that so many things were against him, it had to be abandoned. You know Jesus came into this world, abandoning the best things God set for Him in heaven only to come and suffer and die for us. So the man, Odumegwu Ojukwu, picked that attribute of Jesus because, with his wealth and his father’s wealth, he needed not suffer for us at all. He was as a sacrificial lamb, which people are now realizing. In fact, his actions tended to stabilize Nigeria, otherwise it would have been a different matter. I don’t condemn him for the actions taken, otherwise you and I would not have been talking. We would have been decimated long ago.

Close shave with death

I met him when he was just three months old as the administrator of the Eastern Region. Everything was going normal until the Biafran was declared. That time, we never slept again. The moment Biafran nation was declared, there was no rest for him; there was no rest again for anybody serving him. Wherever he was, I will be at the door. I screen anybody entering to see him. You do not enter unless I announce you and before then, I must have searched you and announced you and he said okay, come immediately or give me five minutes to finish up. I took up security at the doorpost before you go to meet him.

We were close to death on one particular day due to aircraft bombing. We would have perished at Madonna, Mbano area because that very day, during the heat of the bombing mission by the Nigerian aircraft, we were there. He was interviewing people and doing his normal duties, suddenly an aircraft zoomed in around 12 noon. When the aircraft came, myself and the security officers zoomed into his office because the canon fires were too close, even the aircraft bombed the Mercedes car with which we arrived. I know exactly that it was targeting us and the car was very close to the office. We pushed him (Ojukwu) down and all of us lay on him as protection but when this aircraft became desperate and the bombing became intense, we remembered there was a temporary bunker. We said, let’s go into the bunker and he reluctantly rose up and we walked into the bunker. The moment the last of us entered the bunker, there was darkness everywhere. His table, chairs, books and documents, which were on the table where he was working, all got shattered and burnt. That could have been a calamity. This happened at Madonna near Isieke, Mbano in the present Imo State.

That was the only close shave with death I witnessed by myself and you know that whatever happened to him that time will affect us. I wouldn’t have been here with you by now. That was the day I shivered. When we came out, there were so many casualties. I remembered that one European came to our office in the name of offering relief few days before the attack, I suspected him. It was when the aircraft took the first dive; it was so low that I noticed his face. We didn’t know that he came to sabotage us and it was less than a week. He was an Egyptian pilot because it was a Russian-made aircraft that could have destroyed us, but we thank God really. That was an incident that was touching.
The next one was when Ugwuta was falling; he (Ojukwu) went there too. I was there and he was at the war front. He taught me how to load HMG. Until water bomb finished our cars there, the cars we took there, we had to retreat. We came back in the night with another car. The man suffered. He took strange actions, which a Head of State wouldn’t even take. So, these were the sacrifices he made. It would have been a tragic event for us.

Lessons from Ojukwu

You know, he is not a relation, he is not a friend, and my approach with him was always instructional. You do this, you go there, and so, we have no social contact. He was a man who didn’t drink. He takes coffee and by then he was a chain-smoker. 555, that’s what he takes. He never tasted alcohol and he wasn’t eating too much. He never told me anything that was not instructional or related to my duties. He kept me at a distance and I kept him at a distance, knowing that there were other people ahead of me and his immediate brothers who he could always converse with.

Ojukwu’s departure

We sojourned longer at Umuahia. We got disorganized. We even ran to Ogwa in now Mbaitoli Local Government of Imo State in the house of Iheanacho. After about a day or two, we moved to Nnewi and that was in January. The last day, all the dignitaries you can think of in this Biafran setup, they all went in and held a meeting. I don’t usually stay in their meetings, I can’t be there. I will be at the corridor. Eventually, that meeting held for a whole day; from morning till around 1 O’clock in the night. Suddenly, vehicles were set up, heading for Uli Airport. I normally sat in the front to open the door and close it as an orderly. On getting to Uli, it was just like a market, filled with people with a very large plane; Super Consolation, stationed. He entered with most of these dignitaries that went out with him and I realized he was leaving.

Before the door of the aircraft was shut, he sent somebody to the door of the aircraft to say I should come in. I replied to that man to tell him that I didn’t know we were leaving here. That, in fact, I cannot enter the plane. If my wife had been around or if I had known that it was a movement of that nature, I would have joined him to fly. That was the last I saw him and that was the end of my service to him. That was also the end of the war. Since then, I was communicating with his brothers and at a certain time; they wanted me to come to Ivory Coast because when they come, they would say they want that honest orderly.

Yes, that’s what they branded me honest orderly. They came to my house and said my master wanted me to come to Ivory Coast; that there is a job I will do for him. I told them that my family has expanded and that I can’t just be moving like that. They needed me then but I said no because I know it was either to take care of some of his businesses there or things like that.

Ojukwu’s return

When he returned around 1983, I went to him. He was happy. He received me and asked me to take lunch with him. When it was announced that that orderly came, he left every other thing, came and embraced me. He said I shouldn’t go until I take lunch and I obeyed. You know, he was not a person you visit anyhow without having something serious. He was down-to-earth, he likes you to come but the duty of the work wasn’t really giving him the chance to be receiving people anyhow because he was not a man you go to gossip to about anything. He was a very intelligent man. I later became President of the Customary Court; writing and doing other court duties. I saw him when he was at Hill view area this Independence Layout. There was a day he was passing through this area, eventually he stopped at a suya spot. I raced to that place and called him ‘master.’ He said ‘orderly.’ He came down and we embraced. People converged and were surprised. After asking about my welfare and family, he bought what he wanted to buy and left. He was a very brave man. When he went into politics, people were skeptical about his involvement in politics. When you have your facts at your fingertips and you know that God is with you, you can go to your enemies’ camp and come out. He will tell you the reality; he will tell you exactly what happens.

After Ojukwu’s depature

Immediately he left, there was order for me to return to police. I rejoined police and I got resposted like every other person. Along the line in 1970, I was in Lagos where I was posted, I attended an interview on two occasions and I was confronted with “you served the rebel”. They threw the accusation to me during Board members promotion interview in 1976 because we used to have annual Board Interview. I said how, sir? The then Commissioner of Police said, “look at your picture with Ojukwu.” I said, “yes, I served him, sir, but I was there on posting. I did not apply for it.” He said but why didn’t you refuse it? I said that if I declined it, I would be declared a saboteur; that was why I had to be there. I didn’t apply.

In 1977, they confronted me in Lagos again when I went, “you are a rebel agent” and I told them I didn’t apply. I was on posting by the Commissioner of Police then, later IG. So, there was noting I could do. My situation was defenceless. Immediately after that interview, I planned to leave before I would be dismissed, because there were people who could take action against you. I had to quit the force at least to have a good record that I wasn’t dismissed. Till today, I get my pension with the little rank that I held, otherwise by then, I was having more than 15 years to serve and by then I would have risen but today, I thank God, its no longer an issue.
So, that ended my career abruptly. I didn’t think of it, there were no consultations. I said why should I be defending one thing, instead of asking me questions on my police duties, why do you then come to blackmail me? I can’t defend what is indefensible and I thank God because now, I’m not indebted to anybody. God has blessed my family. I have children and almost all of them are now graduates and they are doing well. It’s God who leads. He provided and He makes provisions for my children.

News of his demise


I saw the news of his demise as I was watching CNN. I saw only that Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Biafran leader is dead. The spoon with which I was taking my jollof rice, I didn’t know when I dropped it on the ground instead of the table, I dropped it on the ground. I shivered. I felt it to the marrow of my bones. I thought he would have made it. I never expected his death now. I did not; if he had been in Nigeria, maybe but in overseas? No. But I am praying that God never abandons him in His kingdom. When Jesus came, He liberated the oppressed, He gave the blind sight, Ojukwu followed that example, he liberated the oppressed. Igbos are being desecrated, I was there; from time to time, we will go to the airport to receive corpses during the pogrom. He had the mind to carry the people, unshaken for that period of three years. God didn’t want him to go beyond this.

So, I thank God for his soul because God will not abandon him because His ways are not our ways, His plans are not our plans, His thoughts are not our thoughts. It’s there in the Bible; people might condemn you but God will not do so. God is a powerful God and He gave him the chance to do all these things. He could have been eliminated during the war, but no, he did as a human being, Jesus is a Spirit. I’m only sorry that much time was not given to him so that he would eventually live to see more progress in Nigeria.

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

Nigeria: Imo State Meetings In Los Angeles, A Baby Talk?



The last time I was at any Imo State-related meeting was in 2007 when former governor of the state, Ikedi Ohakim had “just” been elected into office and the Southern California chapter of Nd’Imo, in a quick fix, organized and confirmed Ohakim’s formal visit to Los Angeles. I was in the said meeting and questioned the validity of the governor's visit when he had “just” been sworn into office.



In this modernity, four years would storm by and Ohakim would have no time to stop by and see how the Southern California residents of his state are doing; the ones who threw their support and sent him an invitation for a state visit to Los Angeles. Not surprising to some and stunning to those who expected much from the governor, Ohakim would run Imo State for four years - good or bad - and the Southern California elites would not utter a word until Ohakim’s love-hate relationship with the state would be over.



When Ohakim was chased out of office by the peoples mandate, a sigh of euphoria beclouded Imo indigenes in the Soutland with a new strategy that began to unfold in another attempt at throwing in support to the new governor-elect, Rochas Okorocha. Thus begun the new movement and another round of “never again should we sit idly and allow another maladministration happen in our presence. We must not let this happen again,” which earnestly called for action to rescue Imo State from its nightmare and the long ordeal of bad leadership.



Upon Okorocha’s projected victory, the call was immediately announced on a series of outlets and related groups in cyberspace, and had been made public. The call was not about dissolution of Imo meeting in Los Angeles; it was not about the formation of a new one; it was about finding the ways and means to get involved in Okorocha’s administration and to help the state have a sense of belonging and purpose. It was also not about getting rid of the “old Guards,” but to determine if they’d like to continue or abandon what they started years ago in the quest for a properly, organized Imo State, home and abroad.



Nevertheless, the initiative was well worth it and the attempt a bold one. But here is the hiccup, which is troublesome: It’s been six months since Imo Diaspora of the Los Angeles, California-area residents came out with a new political agenda tailored to be significantly engaging in an upcoming Okorocha’s administration in the Igbo heartland. I was overwhelmed and filled with enthusiasm on the basis that Nd’Imo residing in Southern California had made up their minds to “pull the bull by the horn” and get Imo State moving again all around the globe with its new projected guidelines. With an obvious pumping fist in the air, I engaged some very few among my Imo colleagues here in the Southland, showing my interest by way of applications, recon-structuring journalism as part of the ideals to be drawn and required to effecting change in Imo, and especially to set the standard to improve relations between Diaspora and homeland.



From that perspective, many suggestions were made as to a framework that would help launch a new Southern California/Los Angeles Imo meeting which did begun, announcing its intentions to the Nigerian list serves. The idea was that all the blah, blah, blah, considering Imo’s magnitude and without question, the clear showing of its intellectual powerhouse with nothing to show for it, would be a thing of the past if not immediately arrested. The Imo Diaspora of Southern California meant business, and patently, no more baby talk. I had assumed, learning about the architects of change, it will go well and be smooth.



From my list of proposals suggesting a guideline which would help map out a spectacular blueprint, I listed the following I had thought was important for the creators who had gunned for a new, vitalized Imo, both home and Diaspora:



1). Start Imo Diaspora network by way of a discussion forum which must

be restricted with admissions by referral and verification. Table items to

be discussed and if needs be, moderated for out of character

commentaries.



2). Get our respective districts involved by attending town hall

meetings and voicing our opinions with regards to the ways and means of

the relevance of our stay here coupled with the 'push factor' which had

enabled us to be part of this great society.



3). Establish a thorough and efficient pressure group to monitor the

floors of our federal and state assemblies which would also include the

conduct of the state executive branch.



4). Open up a non-profit organization with a Imo Diaspora bearings to

start building institutions in all of Imo State, say, for instance,

University of Imo State, Amazano Campus, specializing in Agriculture;

University of Imo State, Umuowa Campus, specializing in engineering;

University of Imo State, Umuohiagu campus, specialing in medicine;

University of Imo State, Mbano campus, specializing in all areas of

liberal arts; University of Imo State, Nekede campus, specializing in

teaching credentials; University of Imo State, Arondizuogu campus known

for its business school, and the list goes on and on.



5). Being practical and committed to the cause applying effective

leadership.



6). Start working on the agitation for Imo Diaspora Liaison offices all

around the world and regional branches in the United States of America

for its larger concentration



7). Having direct contact with any sitting governor of the state, the

state assembly members, the federal representatives, local government

councilors for transparency and accountability.



8). Initiate learning institutes here in Diaspora for our kids to learn

a variety of who we are, for instance the kind of food that we eat

(botany) and things like that.



19). Initiate paying stipends to our reporters at home as they monitor

the goings on, on the floors of the state and national assembly,

including that of the executive branch.





What happened from around where this development fertilized was that the three most concerned Imo figures in the South-land involved with the new vision, was that most of us, if not all, had seen an unfolding, committed leadership that needed our moral support. Before the meeting held ground and supposedly no more time for baby talk, but absolutely and positively relative discourse to the well being of Nd’Imo. I, in several occasions, engaged my friend and pointblank, talking-head, radical teacher, Innocent Osunwa, who had been blunt over the years on an idling and do-nothing Imo Diaspora regarding its quest to make Imo a model for the Igbo-related states.



On the trio of intended creators of a new Imo Diaspora and a new Imo in homeland, nothing went through our minds as in suspecting lack of interest to get things done. We did not see the three as enemies of one another, nor seeing them as formidable political personalities who came to play politics with our heads and walk away with something else in their minds. We did not even see them as ambitious, having different visions for the state. We saw the three as having good intentions and same visions of a good society, adapting the American democratic fabric -- which they have since the ‘push factor,’ the conditions that compelled them to seek better lives elsewhere - and that the press lubricates democracy. We also did not see them as engaging in the personal endeavor to struggle for influence in Imo on the interest of their respective personal gains as indicative of previously mismanaged administrations of Achike Udenwa and Ohakim which was a shocking realization.



I had attended the first Imo meeting “call for action” in Los Angeles held at the All Saints Anglican Church conference room. Based on how the announcement circulated online, I had looked forward to a huge turnout from a Los Angeles-area population; and as it was, the turnout wasn’t disappointing. And I had also thought what the previous administrations had left behind - a state that is rich in cash and resources, but socially fragmented and intellectually impoverished - would rise like a phoenix getting the state back on track from what I earlier outlined in this framework. The long reign of past, corrupt regimes during the military juntas’ handling of the affairs of state; the excruciating pains of inept, corrupt administrations during the 2nd, 3rd, 4th Republics respectively, which held in suspense the ordinary struggles that forge historical progress. Imo rebirth expected to be created by the Los Angeles area “progressives” who had thought power should be earned by virtue of dedication, sacrifice and hard work; and what they saw as an opportunistic, financial oligarchic class which erupted a state of empire and anarchy should now be a thing of the past, bringing forth a new era and key figures to speak for the Imo people on accounts of thorough systems typical of organized societies.



The sad reality fact now is the real battle extending the state of empire and anarchy has just begun. Osunwa and I engaged on the subject matter, the probabilities of the “same old song,” old wine in a new bottle kind of stuff, that Okorocha’s backers are of the Old Guards, and if probably not, that Okorocha still have some payback time to his election campaign donors who helped catapult him to Government House, Owerri.



In one of my talking points, bedtime discourse with Osunwa, which took us into the night, and after the first meeting I had attended as path finder, I argued that the region’s modern state of insanity as seen over the years - kidnapping, human parts trafficking, rape (most unreported), police brutality, murder and things like that - that if we have been serious to face the challenges squarely, it must start from Diaspora to set up the pace condemning the all sorts of mayhem occurring in Imo and all the Igbo-related states through a powerful web of activists, writers, journalists to global links meant to influence Igbo leaderships on an array of problems requiring solutions that must be applied consistently.



Osunwa had relied on the creator’s sense of good judgement to shovel out the Los Angeles area Imo Diaspora from the deep mess it has been into over the years by lacking a sense of purpose. He had also endorsed the state of mind the creators had adopted in pursuing its course of getting Imo State out of the nonsense, square peg in a round hole drama that likely was taking the state to hell. It was in this atmosphere of Osunwa’s imagination that I chipped in to talk about journalism and why it should be taken as important as any aspect of the creator’s intent to be romantically involved directly with the goings on at Government House, Owerri, without laying more emphasis on the necessities that provides the tools for change - which by all accounts is the work of the journalist to shape how we think, inform the public and govern which comes along with a sound democratic fabric. And why do journalists think about what they do? The job is calling: the mission is to improve every corner of our enclaves. And how’s this done and achieved effectively? And why would it matter?



On the days approaching the first meeting of the “New Order” to a “New Dawn,” I was able to hold some conversations with many of the new dawns on how to get Imo Diaspora and the administrators of the home state to work in tandem for a better understanding and how working collectively would lead to utopia, coupled with a communication gap over the years that could be bridged by means of openness with journalism’s take. Osunwa, however, acknowledged the fact that journal work “is” more than required in a fledgling democracy like Nigeria to keep the government in check, and also said “independent journalists” must be made available to keep checks and balances orderly and not the kind of scandalous journalists who blackmail government and public figures when they have something on them and then negotiate a price within a range of some cash depending on the gravity which is how most newspapers survive in the country; and which at the same time destroys the reputation of worthy, news reporting.



And, remarkably, now that we have fallen into the age of Internet, everyone from individual citizens to political operatives can gather information, investigate the powerful, reach out to the powerless, mediate between government protocol and provide analysis in its investigative work. But as the case has been, not everyone engages in the need for news gathering. For instance, the Igbo-related discussion groups, staggering by the numbers of its subscribed members, and yet haven’t been established well enough to creating impact on how it could influence decisions to its respective administrations from the local governments, the municipalities, the legislature and its executive arm of government that is not however, done by these discussion, news-related groups. Or, are these discussion, news-related groups working on providing quality news items assuming it has established its own line of items that would have its own independent link to reach governmental institutions, as a stable organization which can facilitate regular reporting? And if so, why haven’t we seen a serious news break to their credit, linking directly with these organizations to governmental institutions including the local outlets other than wired news stories?



What has hindered these discussion groups from engaging itself directly with the governmental institutions - the executive, legislature and judiciary - directly for its Diaspora to be engaged fully and be part of a government their role is needed for a sound, thorough democratic dispensation? What was the purpose of creating these groups, for picnic, social gathering and ego-tripping, bragging on its members’ social economic status and the nouveau riche in its class? Why should these discussion groups still be standing in more than 12 years of its founding and are yet to establish any link connecting it directly with series of its governmental organizations in a strictly business way?



Maybe, not so clear to some. These discussion groups, whatever its foundation, cannot afford to be providing us information on picnic, ballroom dances, a new chief in town and its grand-style coronation, a breakthrough purchasing some new arrival of a ‘powerfully’ made machine by the Germans or the Japanese, negating and leaving aside its lifeline that should be benefiting generations to come by totally engaging in the political and socio-cultural issues affecting its land with a concrete, structurally established system for their off-springs and more, more generations to follow; and by discussing innovations, inventions, new techniques, formats for change, ideas and discoveries, and of course, the ways and means to compete in a challenging global market economy.



What are they leaving for the generations to come as legacy when they are sitting idly watching and applauding their land turned into a state of empire and anarchy? What would their generations to come, think of who they were, looking at how hopeless they left the situation? And why is it taken that these discussion groups of a Diaspora stock assume they have nothing to do with the affairs of state, of its native land? And if that be the case focusing on its adopted land, are they fully involved in the administrative process of its council members, senators and representatives at the state and federal level in its respective districts, where they should be presumably presenting their case for the turmoil in their home land like other communities did? How many town-hall meetings and series of activities that follows have they been to checking on how the folks they elected to office are doing by way of reaching out to its district? Or, would it be they played it off, caught up on a crossroad, not belonging to any side of the road?



There shouldn’t be any quiz here; and if only they had paid attention looking back to a failure , lacking the vision, as a result of their deliberately made mistakes and at a terrible cost, the generations to come, many would have to go through, probably would have done something that should have avoided such a terrible mistake of a lifetime - by using the same mechanisms of their upbringing that “it takes a village to raise a child,” putting the priorities into perspective.



And what would have amounted to such a terrible, costly mistake?



Again, one is weary of pointing out, especially on the logjam cases of a strong Diaspora foundations in building bridges by connecting as in all communities we all bear witness; how in similar, they overcame their predicaments of culture shock, struggled, worked hard as a community and thrived; becoming powerful, influencing decisions in their new found land and their native land. In that regard, they acquired all the accessories to become powerful in all aspects. They established their own banks for their commerce and industry; their own schools to teach their own; their own markets and farms for their own people; their subsidies and other related programs for the underprivileged and for their own elderly; their own learning center to teach their own language and culture; their own elected representatives to speak on their behalf and legislate for their concerns and needs; their own means of employment, employing their own; their own hospitals and women’s clinic to care for their own; their own medical staff and medical benefits for their own; their own vocational institutes teaching variety of trades and crafts for their own; their own mortgage companies attending to housing needs of their own; their own newspapers in their own languages; their own communities and villages where they can be identified; their own quest and determination to make life better for each and everyone of their own; their own socializing courts where the next line of projects are put into perspective; their own orthodox in religion where all their kind worship; their own landscaping company where gardening and things of that nature services the community; their own eateries where its dishes are now universal; their own playhouses where drama, musicals, movies, comedy, life band performances of its own musical genre and dance shows, and things like that, draws a diversified audience, and the list goes on and on and on.



So, too, as the creator’s had planned to use the above outlines beginning from establishing a newspaper due to, without news. “we cannot be in business facing the challenges of building community.” Folks need to know about new development in its community. Folks need to read on the latest update in a news worthy world. Folks need information from its own bulletin boards.



And how could this be arrived?



In terms of Imo State, as the creator’s had visioned, creating funds for local news with money made available from federated accounts or money collected from communication-bent projects, like tele-communication users, television and radio broadcast licensing fees, or internet service providers, and which would be administered in open competition through state local news councils. The same could be applied to Diaspora in the event it becomes too much of a burden for the home states to bear. Diaspora could channel a whole lot of ways in getting the news out: through multi-task revenues from related social events, funds from varieties of not for profit organizations, levies from non-governmental events like the churches, enterprises, and many other outlets where funding could be derived so journalists could focus on serious news at the local and state level; and could get it direct on one-on-one to reach the public, uncensored, unless where need be, like the classifieds.



And, as it goes, the bills of the journalist must be paid to get the quality and news-worthy stories across. Journalism has always been a direct/indirect, private/public backed projects. And from that background, journalists in this order, would then have a good relationship with those who pay their bills, whether advertisers targeting consumers and its business development, or private and public domains working on improving infrastructures, needing the services of citizens.



In one of my conversations with one of the creator’s regarding the infrastructural needs of the state and how the message could be sent across to a governmental awareness, journal work surfaced, citing outside newspapers’ credits that has been the mouthpiece of the people. The Sahara Reporters, an online news outlet, which has been doing well from noted public opinion polls, on its account of how it handles the news. While the creators applauded Sahara Reporters’ line of work in its reporting; analysis; dissected programmed blogs; essays relative to Nigeria’s problems grand and small; and documentaries of the same nature, I had wondered if the source of Sahara Reporters’ energy on news-gathering and analysis came from another planet. I had told them that the forces behind Sahara Reporters funding was not unearthly. That the forces, from its foundation of engineering social and democratic change during the Sani Abacha years remains one of its backbones of its existence. So, why wouldn’t Sahara Reporters be top notch agency news reporting outlet, from how it operated in the past and in disguise, masquerading with many handles to fight for democracy and social change?



The creators, from their point of view, weighing Sahara Reporters to have remarkably done a good job in its thought provoking reports and analysis over the years, applauding its efforts; one thing should be borne in mind: it’s time to get your own news outlet and be sure of what the general audience is getting from your reel. Face the challenges and fund your own newspaper. Organize, make it happen and leave it to the experts to handle.



For instance, it will not take all the heavenly places to piece together the finest Igbo writers, correspondents, investigative journalists, including reporters and researchers in homeland to dig deeply providing Diaspora with authentic and reliable, worthy news stories, which is where the creators should start putting their money where their mouth is; that is, if they honestly want to see change and be part of its outcome. The other question should be, are they willing to face the challenges of walking the talk?



Journalists. reporters, writers and researchers in the likes of Chidi Nkwopara-Uduma Kalu -Tony Edike (Vanguard), Leon Usigbe (Tribune), Ikechukwu Enyiagu (syndicated columnist), Chibuzo Ukaibe (Leadership Nigeria), Emma Mgbeahurike (The Nation), Chiawo Nwankwo (Punch), Nkechi Opurum (Daily Times), Petrus Obi-Chidi Nnadi-Ofole Okafor (Daily Sun), Andy Uneze (This Day), Ike Okonta (Daily Star), with a long list of Igbo journalists and scholars on a variety of discipline at the numerous Igbo-related institutions can be given the task; and by investing on good reporting and writing, a whole lot would gradually change especially in this new era of collaborative and “accountability journalism.”



Nkwopara, Kalu, Edike, et al., without doubt, have been doing some fine work of journalism; researching, reporting and writing to keep us informed on a variety of interesting subjects within our surroundings, in Ala-Igbo and its central government in Abuja, including the several other big cities in the nation where Nd’Igbo transact business on a daily basis providing goods and services that sustains the nation.



And why shouldn’t Diaspora be concerned about the affairs of its own people with the kind of work these folks in our journal world send to us, not even mentioning the scholars on their dissertation process and much, much more they will be having us know in terms of information and upfront knowledge. And how much are these folks paid by a controlling publishers and board directors who bankroll what these fine journalists transmits to us regularly?: On how we live and what’s going on in our communities; who is out there to attack us and who wants us dead or alive; how the government is playing games on a very gullible and vulnerable people; why we missed it all on our political, democratic endeavors; why Nigeria is failing all of us; what the urban hard-money banks, insurance companies and big corporations like Shell - are doing to us; the churches in every nook and cranny of the land and why it has become so; how anti-intellectualism and demonization of writers and critics is destroying free speech, and how we are becoming less and less a news reading media people; the angst of the Islamic Boko Haram terrorists, the series of kidnappings in Ala-Igbo and what should be done; the nasty romances in the governmental houses; and how easy going and down to earth men fell readily available as political tool for use by ugly politicians, hard and brutish men; so, the list goes on and on and on.



There are several reasons why other news outlets are performing much better than any independent, Igbo-related owned newspaper, that is, if there is a credible one. From the list of Igbo journalists I have cited, and taking a closer look at the news outlets they work for, about one or so could be said to be owned by a South-easterner; and taking a closer look, too, who indeed runs the paper? The creators cannot be trashy-talky, reproachy, sloppy and gossipy on inconsequential stuff while they have loads and loads of untouched literary and historical issues confronting them -- paying their journalists and writers to start researching on a wide range of their origin, where all the migration began, who they were, how they got trapped into a fabricated nation through a colonization mandate; their role in that fabrication and its aftermath; the pogrom, the civil war, the post-civil war and an alleged reconstruction that followed; and regarding the pogrom and civil war, the victims’ family, the participants who survived and what they know, leading-edge research and interviews in that perspective; and a whole lot connected to the facts and logic about what happened -- and not doing anything about it, which in its entirety a continuous tragedy.



Also, the creators should should come to realization that the people want an administration that is open to scrutiny, making its financial accounts public, one of the lapses former governor Ohakim was able to elude them.



The creators should be focusing and coming up with projects, since a lame duck government of deceit would not get anything done; on how to influence, shape, establishing their literary culture by building libraries in every of its enclaves where access to all that is important in its history and things like that can be located -- works of traditional and lyric poetry, comedy, cultural festivals, history, tragedy, medical writers, the pagans and all about the myth; Agwuisi na Amadioha; nd’amala and what they may have left behind; the churches and those church fathers who combined Omenala and the Biblical principles to their practice; the Dibies (native doctors), who combined mgborogwu and Western medicine to their profession; the nd’ na agba afa, soothsayers, who combine their craft with Western ideals of logic and philosophy, and the list goes on and on and on.



Remarking on these blows, I remember interviewing Dr. Julius Kpaduwa on August 11, 2002. I had scheduled this interview with Kpaduwa after reaching agreement with my colleagues at BNW Magazine on questions they would want asked. I had also notified my friend and colleague, Austen Oghuma, who promised he’d be there on the day of the said interview at Kpaduwa’s bedroom community, The Country Diamond Bar home.



What happened was, Kpaduwa had declared his candidacy to run for the governorship of Imo State. I was not there at his formal declaration party. I was investigating the Otokoto family criminal mafia, asking questions on who knows what on a trail of mayhem, rape, lynching, body parts trafficking and mob killings connected to the Otokoto family in Owerri and its environs. I would interview the son of the mob, Maxwell Otokoto Duru, here in Los Angeles on that trail of heinous crimes that spooked Owerri township.



While working on the Kpaduwa interview, first of its kind by any Nigerian, U.S.-based news magazine in that order, its content and capacity, which was during Achike Udenwa’s administration in Imo State, I bumped into Dr. Edmund Ugorji, then medical director, Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, who had since relocated back to Nigeria and who had questioned if I was still writing my “thought provoking” stuff treading with caution that even though what I write is clearly the way it’s suppose to be, that Nigeria ‘is’ not America, that “my people are not matured yet for your kind of write-ups; we are still learning the process of democracy,” Ugorji would tell me. Ugorji also popped up the question of Kpaduwa, if I heard anything since he’d been shot by his political opponents in Nigeria.



“What actually happened and what are the details, do you know?” Ugorji asked.



“I have been scheduled to interview Kpaduwa at his Diamond Bar home and I have been talking to Kpaduwa since the attempt on his life in Nigeria, and I will be meeting with him soon for the interview,” I told Ugorji.



“Good, tell him that I said be well and be strong,” (emphasis mine) Ugorji said.



In late 2004, Ugorji, Kpaduwa, Jimmy Asiegbu and a host of Igbo Diaspora in Greater Los Angeles would summon its elite class to address the plight of the Igbo Nation and how to arrest the troubling situations in the Igbo-related states, which I will be writing in a different essay.



On August 08, 2002, my colleagues and I - Chinedu Ibe (Chicago, Illinois), Dr. Emeka J. Amanze (College Park, Maryland), Nick N. Nwuda (Inland Empire, California), Odo Akaji (Gloucestershire, England), Dr. Emeka S. Enwere (London, England) and Dr. Chidi Okorie (London, England) - had a teleconference on Kpaduwa’s interview to be published exclusively at BNW Magazine. The questions were all in order as agreed. Kpaduwa, fine with the date of interview, was prepared waiting for my arrival. Upon arrival, I met Oghuma, and some of Kpaduwa’s friends, colleagues and political allies who looked forward to the interview.



And for sure, investigative and compelling, I asked the questions and Kpaduwa answered all that had stuff to do with Igbo-related worthy causes and the people of Imo in general. Just like a country or state without appropriate measures operating a police force without bullets, Kpaduwa laid out his agenda for his ideas and visions if elected governor, when I popped the question on healthcare:



BNW: Let's talk about healthcare. The healthcare system in Imo state today is in shambles. I remember the story of a dying patient who could not be treated because he had no deposit. That, for sure, will not happen in the United States. Here, in America, in a situation like this, all one need to do is dial 911 and the response would be available immediately. If elected, how would your administration address the issue, improving the healthcare system?



Dr. Kpaduwa: You have asked the most important question of the night, though I don't know how many more questions you have. I can tell you that for the past four years, my wife and I (my wife is also a physician), we have been organizing and going on medical missions,, a free medical care to all parts of Imo State. As a matter of fact, we just finished one last Friday and we had a whole lot of cases. I was not able to go, even though I arranged it, and my wife could not go even though she was suppose to be part of the medical team. You just have to talk to people from Mbano, and they will tell can tell you what they experienced in our medical missions last week. Not only in Mbano, there were accounts of people who came from Orlu, Owerri and Mbaise trooping to Mbano Joint Hospital for free medical treatments and needs.



In fact, it was as a result of inadequate medical care I experienced during or very first medical mission that drove me to what I am doing now, running for the governor of Imo State, because I found out I could do very little with a stethoscope. I found out that if there was sound, good public policy as far as healthcare is concerned, the people of Imo State would be better off. That's really what motivated me to seek the office of the governor.



I have a plan that is very well laid out in our Manifesto, so to speak. And that plan, basically will guarantee any division of government owned Imo State hospital, standard of community hospital in the United States, if you know what I mean. That means that the operating room has to be fully equipped and functional. There has to be a functioning emergency department. There has to be adequate amount of drugs. And you will ask me how are we going to finance this. We have been doing this without even being in office, completely free of charge. We happen to be in a country--the United States of America--and God bless America that philanthropy is one of the bedrock of society. There is no where I can go to the hospitals that I practice, and ask them for equipments which are still functional and very good, or do a drive around the United States, I will equip every single hospital, functioning without spending a penny. All I need is the transportation. I will train a personnel, an adequate personnel. We will fully compensate the physicians that work there.



The hospitals, nobody goes to them because there is little or no care. We practiced in those hospitals, they are only hospitals in name and it is a shame. If you do not provide the people with minimum wages, decent jobs that will not guarantee them some form of health insurance or any form of health coverage, I believe that the government has the sole responsibility to take care of its own citizens. I don't care where you get the fund from,you go out there and get it until such a time when you have brought out the economic level of the state to a point whereby people can begin to get health insurances from their various jobs.



Under our own government structure, no single individual will be turned away from government hospital and emergency cases because of the inability to pay. It can be done because we will be able to get resources from outside of the country. For complex cases, no individual, for any operation that is needed will be turned away because he or she did not have money. And that is what's going on now. If you don't have money even on emergency basis, in fact, when I was shot and they took me to Federal Medical Center in Owerri, they refused to let me down until I have a police report. This is a gun shot wound, I was bleeding; I was in pain; nobody took the time to access my condition, I could have died. They told us that I cannot come down. So, we went to the police station to get a police report. Under our administration, such a nonsense will not happen.



When we got the police report and went back to the hospital, they refused to attend to me until we are able to pay certain basic fees. I just was lucky my wife's friend who's a physician works at that hospital and she happened to be there when we walked in. She paid all the fees. It's not that I don't have the money, but we just didn't have it on us. You will need a card, you will need this, you will need that in order to be attended, or they won't attend to you. Under our administration, that comes to a full stop. I don't care whether it's a federal medical center or a state hospital.



So the Imo people are in for a treat, as far as healthcare is concerned. That's where they will have the immediate benefits of our administration, because this is not depending on anybody else effort. It is going to be solely our effort. I belong to the Association of Nigeria Physicians in America; they help me run the medical mission in Mbano. The Imo people really are out for a treat; they want decent health-care and we are going to put a whole lot of money for it.”



Which, as the interview entails years we have been living in different times, if at all, we ever had normal lives, with no sense of an ending, as our daily life and movements have been altered, not knowing where the kidnappers are planning for their next victim; not knowing the next politician to be murdered in the most brutal of circumstances; not knowing when a village encounters police on a shootout on the vagaries of a kidnapped local government chairman; not knowing the next victim to be hanged on a tree; not knowing when a Diaspora is waylaid by hired assassins while visiting his native land; not knowing when a young girl would be raped by a gang of college students; not knowing when police would fatally shoot a U.S.-based resident visiting his homeland, and the list goes on and on and on..



We have not in many instances cared about these practices except when it’s shown in the news or we heard it while socializing in beer parlors, and as it’s not happening directly to us, but others - until, one day, and unfortunately like a man going about his business knowing nothing at all and suddenly hears the story of his or her relative being a victim, of the chaotic nature of the land, and that’s when we’ll be up awake, in shock, moping, “is this happening in our land? Jesus

Christ!”



What is actually disturbing is the recent incident of the rapists Jonah Uche, Zaki, Ifeanyi Justin Ogu and Winston Okoye Chinonso who collaboratively raped a young college student brutally to a point the victim asked to be killed. The irony: the follow-up to the case seems to have quieted down, fizzled out and we are erasing it from our memory with nothing done as time passes by. Has anyone thought of the rape victim being a sister, a sister’s friend, a mother, a family friend’s wife and or a very close relative?



These and a whole lot of problems is what should be expected from Diaspora to address with their influence and a positive result forth coming. And with this framework, and a Diaspora comparing its ideals to other communities, in analogy, as they lay claim on their cumulative life experiences in building community from turmoil to triumph in what did pay off telling of their American story as a community; and telling of American prosperity from their building community; and telling of American triumphalism, who else would doubt and argue when they say: The United States Of America is the greatest nation in the world!



Ede chaa nam!



References: See;



BNW Face 2 Face: Dr. Julius Kpaduwa

http://magazine.biafranigeriaworld.com/aehirim/2002aug16.html



The Otokoto Family Criminal Mafia

A BNW Magazine/The Ambrose Ehirim Files Exclusive With Maxwell Vincent Duru Otokoto

http://tinyurl.com/3lavqrk

http://tinyurl.com/3suq9ph



Rochas Okorocha and the New Dawm

http://ambroseehirim.blogspot.com/2011/06/rochas-okorocha-and-new-dawn.html

Sunday, October 2, 2011

Nigeria @ 51: What Changed?


I spent most of the late evening of September 30, 2011 through the wee hours of October 01, 2011, combing Nigeria’s daily newspapers as the nation celebrates its 51 years of independence from British colonial rule. Most of the headlines were saying the same thing – that a reformed Nigeria is simply mirage. I would agree with what the analyst, commentators and a general public had seen as a failed state. The reviews of a collapsing state were fascinating from around which the newspapers all around the country did not stop writing on the subject matter – the nation’s 51st independence anniversary – some say there was nothing worth celebrating.

In Vanguard Newspaper’s October 01, 2011 edition, correspondent Uduma Kalu in Nigeria @ 51: “Nigeria, A Dream Deferred,” writes;

Our founding fathers did not negotiate that at 51, Nigeria would become the 14th failed state in the world. Neither did they agree that it would be among the nations with the least human development index, nor that it would still be crawling five decades after independence. Our founding fathers did not dream that their great grand children would be treated with contempt as a result of mismanagement of its abundant resources.

It is patently clear that Kalu’s comments above is impeccable; it is the simple truth that Nigeria is a failed state after 51-years of experimenting with varieties of running a thorough government. It is also sad to arrive into conclusion that none of the tested experiments have worked effectively and efficiently for the interest of the people in question.

Other headlines in the nation’s dailies were as follows: “Nigeria@51: Sambo Prays For God’s Favor For Nigeria,” by Vincent Ikuomola, The Nation; “Nigeria@51: This Is Not Nigeria Of Our Dream - Labor,” by Soji-Eze Fagbemi, Gbola Subair and Leon Usigbe, Nigerian Tribune; “ Nigeria@51: Nigeria Is A Pathetic Story,” by Clifford Ndujihe, Vanguard Interview; “Nigeria Celebrates Independence Amid Bomb Fears,” by Jon Gambrell, Associated Press; “Nigeria@51 - Birthdays Mark The Time Between The Past & The Future,” by Robin Renee Sanders, former U.S. Ambassador of Nigeria writing for the Huffington Post; “Nigeria@51: Jonathan Worst President Ever - Balarabe Musa,” by Abdulgafar Abalewe, Daily Sun Interview; “Nigeria Celebrates First Of It’s Kind Independence Day Celebration,” by Elizabeth Archibong, Next Group of Newspapers; “Independence Celebration Holds Inside Aso Villa,” by George Agba and Sunday Isuwa, Leadership Newspaper; and the list goes on and on of a “Nigeria@51” subtitles and headline news stories covering a nation at its independence day celebration which was overall low key for fear of the Islamic nihilists and hoodlums – Boko Haram and Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) that had sent an earlier memo threatening to bomb Abuja again.

The papers, interviews, including readers who expressed their views by way of leaving comments and conducted symposiums had the same line of thought concluding Nigeria is a failed state. In the Daily Sun interview with former governor of Kaduna State during the nation’s 2nd Republic, when asked “Nigeria at 51, where are we”? Balarabe Musa said;

Well, we are engaging in a virtually senseless ritual, senseless because it is an annual activity. You are asking me to comment on Nigeria, the state of the nation since October1, 1960. We have been doing this every year to certain extent that you the media make us to continually comment on whether we have anything to say about it, even though there is nothing to write home about Nigeria since 51 years ago except calamity. I mean for 51 years since Nigeria achieved independence from Britain, we have not demonstrated what other nations demonstrate to inspire ourselves and others.

Yes, “except calamity,” Musa, and from day one it has been so and we keep assuming it’s fixable without taking closer look at countries like Malaysia, South Korea, Singapore, and as Kalu mentioned, Brazil, and as the list goes on and what these nations have done in its little capacity compared to a nation with abundant natural resources and enormous human capital like a Nigerian state? And all said and done, as the pros and cons are now bent on ironing out the nation’s problems, grand and small, we must take into account the chronology of the nation’s events since its birth and judge and make sound decisions for ourselves. Before I go into that, I would like revisiting Kalu in his analysis, “Nigeria, A Dream Deferred.” Kalu again:


Today, the dreams and visions of that ‘Promised Great Nation’ flutters in the wind like a rag. Industries have collapsed. Some of them have fled to Ghana and other neighboring countries. Our youths have no jobs and no hope of a simple decent life in Nigeria. Some seek greener pastures abroad in droves. The dignity of Nigerians all over the world is spilled in the mud. We are like pests to all nations of the world. Oil, which was meant to comfort us, is now our albatross, our curse. Even in our plenty, we are among the world’s poorest. The UNDP report says we are among the least developed nations with high rate of illiteracy, mortality rate, life expectancy rate, among other ugly decorations that dot our independence celebration today. UNEP says the oil spills in Ogoni are the worst in human history and will require billions of dollars to clean.

In as much as I would grade President Goodluck Jonathan with a confessional passing mark on how he has been handling the affairs of state of the nation, especially since the eruption of Boko Haram, allowing other aspects of the nation’s projects unattended, never minding a security detailed budget in place for nihilists and hoodlums like Boko Haram, the question here is, how has Jonathan shown to the Nigerian people that his administration is doing anything differently? What happened to his new political agenda with regards to the infrastructures he promised the Nigerian people that all would be taken care of in his era? What is holding back Jonathan and his coattails from its blueprint of ‘The New Dawn?’ And the new schools he pledged to build in every nook and cranny of the nation to elevate academia and making it affordable to every Nigerian; what happened, or is it still going through administrative bureaucracy typical of a lame duck presidency? When are his political ideals and projects going into effect? When his term expires and he’s out of office? These are reasons Jonathan is telling the Nigerian people that he’s no different from any Nigerian ruler, and not bound to do things differently by tackling aggressively a myriad of the nation’s problems, an indication when one takes a look at the nation’s chronology of events since independence:

October 01, 1960: Nigeria gains independence from Britain. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of the Northern Peoples Congress emerges as Prime Minister. Nnamdi Azikiwe of the National Council for Nigerian Citizens becomes the first Nigerian Governor-General, and Nigeria's first president when the country becomes a republic in 1963. Obafemi Awolowo of the Action Group becomes leader of the opposition.

January 15, 1966: Prime Minister Balewa is killed in a failed coup led by mostly Igbo army officers. Many other top members of the government are also killed, including the premier of the Northern Region, Ahmadu Bello. The government collapses and the most senior army officer, General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi, takes over as head of state.

July 29, 1966: Northern army officers stage a "counter-coup". Ironsi is killed and Colonel Yakubu Gowon emerges new military ruler. Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, governor of the Eastern Region, refuses to accept Gowon's authority. Igbos and other south-easterners are massacred across the north.

May 27, 1967: After several months of political crisis Gowon announces the dissolution of Nigeria's four administrative regions and their replacement by a 12-state structure.

May 30, 1967: Ojukwu declares the former Eastern Region the independent Republic of Biafra. From this point on Nigeria is technically at war.

January 12, 1970: Biafran surrenders. An estimated two million had died in 30 months of civil war. Gowon declares "no victor, no vanquished" and announces a program of reconstruction and rehabilitation.

January 1970 - July 1975: Gowon’s-led regime is plagued with widespread scandals of bribery and corruption; and is toppled by Maj-Gen Murtala Mohammed while attending an Organization of African Unity summit in Kampala, Uganda. He goes into exile in Britain.

February 13, 1976: Gen Mohammed is assassinated in an aborted coup. His next in command, Maj-Gen Olusegun Obasanjo, becomes head of state.

October 01, 1979: Gen. Obasanjo hands over power to President Shehu Aliyu Shagari, who won that year's elections on the platform of the National Party of Nigeria, bringing to an end 13 years of military rule.

December 31, 1983: President Shagari is toppled in a military coup three months after winning a second term at elections marred by violence and allegations of widespread rigging and irregularities. The new military ruler would be Maj-Gen Muhammadu Buhari.

August 27, 1985: Buhari is overthrown by his army chief, Maj-Gen Ibrahim Babangida, who makes it clear from the outset that he prefers the title of president.

April 22, 1990:Babangida survives a bloody coup attempt by mainly junior army officers. In the courts martial that follow, more than 250 soldiers are sentenced to death and executed.

June 12, 1993: Nigerians vote in presidential elections to end military rule. The candidates are Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic Party and Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention. Early results show Abiola with a runaway lead.

June 15, 1993:The electoral commission announces the suspension of publication of the results, citing a need to obey a pre-election ruling by a court, which had ordered that the election should not be held. The commission had earlier disobeyed the court ruling because a military decree had stripped the courts of their power to accept election-related lawsuits.

June 23, 1993: A statement from Gen Babangida's office declares the election annulled. For the next two months massive demonstrations organized by pro-democracy activists paralyze several Nigerian cities.

August 27, 1993: Babangida steps down as president under intense pressure. He hands over to an interim government headed by Ernest Shonekan, a civilian businessman he handpicked, and mandated to organize fresh elections.

November 17, 1993: The interim government is toppled by the defense minister, Gen. Sani Abacha. He dissolves all civilian institutions, including the national legislature and state governments.

November 10, 1995: Renowned writer and environmental campaigner, Ken Saro-Wiwa, is executed along with eight other Ogoni minority rights activists on murder charges, after a trail generally perceived to be flawed. The execution draws international outrage and the Abacha regime becomes an international pariah and Nigeria suspended from the British Commonwealth of Nations.

June 08, 1998: Abacha dies suddenly of apparent heart failure. He is succeeded by the most senior military officer, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, who pledges rapid reforms to restore democracy.

June 15, 1998: Abubakar frees former military ruler Gen. Obasanjo from jail where he was serving a 15-year term. He had been convicted in 1995 along with several military officers and civilians on what was believed by many Nigerians to be trumped-up charges of plotting Abacha's fall.

July 07, 1998: Abiola, who had been detained by Abacha since 1994 for laying claims to the presidency on the basis of the annulled 1993 vote, dies suddenly in detention of apparent heart failure. His release was being prepared by the Abubakar regime before his sudden death.

February 23, 1999: Nigerians vote in presidential ballot. The candidates are Gen. Obasanjo of the People's Democratic Party and Olu Falae, the joint candidate of the Alliance for Democracy and the All People's Party. Obasanjo emerges victorious, winning nearly 70 percent of the vote.

May 29, 1999: Obasanjo is sworn in and a new civilian government is inaugurated ending more than 15 years of domination of power by unelected military juntas.

And in-between this chronology, a whole lot more, tragically, has taken place. The rolling out of military tanks on university students, on a picket line under the leadership of National Union of Nigerian Students, Akogun Olusegun Okeowo, protesting increase in college tuition by the Obasanjo-led military junta. Students had demanded the democratization of education in the nation’s ongoing dictatorship. The public execution by firing squad of Batholomew Owoh, Bernard Ogedengbe and Lawal Ojuolape for a retroactive drug conviction during the Muhammadu Buhari-Tunde Idiagbon tandem of military dictatorship. The assassination by a letter bomb of Newswatch founding member, Dele Giwa, during the Ibrahim Babangida-led brutal regime. And the chaos after an abrogated 3rd Republic during Sani Abacha’s reign of terror. The civil unrests – Odi Massacre, Sharia Debacle, hired assassins, Choba, OPC mayhem, MEND, MASSOB – in the 4th Republic. And Obasanjo himself when confronted with growing tensions with neigboring Cameroon over the Bakassi Peninsula, long a Nigerian territory, decided to resist the advice of his aides who pushed for military solution, and to turn the dispute over to the World Court. Newspapers and journalists ridiculed Obasanjo. Bakassi, henceforth, would be Cameroon territory. Again, the list goes on and on.

Quite obvious, Nigeria is still a troubled nation on the above outlined framework. And what should be done with the concept of a country that in its nationhood differs significantly? Would that have arisen from a mistake of constitutional conferences mandate? It is, seemingly, pretty much so from all accounts. The problem, however, in my observation rested on the “Founding Fathers” who were either anxious or in a hurry, hence having to do with being left with one of two choices from a colonial mandate —“get the independence under our prescription” or stay right where you are and better not complain again. Somehow, it sounds likely the founding fathers succumbed to the British gimmicks ignoring the fact that an independent national state of different ethnically group would result in total chaos and would leave the fabricated country permanently in a comma.

Nigeria @ 51, what changed? Absolutely nothing!